The main controversy,
of course, concerned Zero Dark Thirty, in large part because it did
indeed claim to be factual, based on classified documents provided by
the CIA, the sort of things other people get sent to prison for
doing. This was important because the film wound up being judged in
large part on its moral position about torture, a position staked out
without leaving much wiggle room because of its conclusion, against
the run of fact as established by the CIA itself, that torture in
this case accomplished its goal, namely killing Osama Bin Laden. It's
possible the CIA lied about the efficacy of torture in this instance,
but having admitted they do torture, why would they? And since the
film is basically constructed as a saga of justice or revenge for
9/11 and (also inaccurately) 7/7, these points argue against its
being taken as educational.
Argo, meanwhile, turned
one aspect of the escape of Americans marooned in Tehran following
the fall of the US Embassy into a CIA thriller. There was some
criticism of the way the filmmakers downplayed the role of the
Canadians in facilitating the escape—the issue of passports and
air tickets was handed by the Canadians, not the CIA, with no
dramatic hitches—and of course turned the exit from the airport
into a chase scene, with Iranians apparently firing on a passenger
aircraft (without the pilot being aware) but still giving the plane
clearance to take off. The CIA's creation of a movie as cover for the
exit makes for a more entertaining film than the 1981 TV movie Escape
From Iran, written by my friend Josh Chetwynd's father Lionel, which
basically lays out the way things happened on the ground, without the
CIA, so you can understand Ben Affleck's need for some dramatic
license. But Argo also gratuitously blames the British and New
Zealanders for turning the escapees away, when in reality the Brits
took them in and the Kiwis transferred them to the Canadians, where
it was thought, as Americans, they would blend in better. Now there's
an historical assumption that requires some consideration.
Lincoln never states
'based on a true story', but the screenplay was based, in part, on
Doris Kearns Goodwin's excellent Team Of Rivals. This in itself is
fascinating, because the story of the passage of the 13th
Amendment, the focus of the film, accounts for exactly four of the
900-odd pages in Goodwin's book. Thaddeus Stevens receives only four
mentions in the entire book. Furthermore, the film is set after the
period in which you might best consider Lincoln's cabinet a true
'team of rivals'. By 1864 he had already begun weeding dissent out of the
cabinet, as the film points out with Hal Holbrook's Preston Blair,
whose son Montgomery's resignation as Postmaster General Lincoln had
demanded not long before. What the screenplay seems to have borrowed
more is the general tenor of Lincoln's political nous, his
demeanour, his stories and lines, and an even more general portrayal
of those around him: Seward, Stanton, and Wells in particular.
Perhaps this was to
create a sort of imprimatur for the film. But the reality is that few
questioned the film's veracity, apart from things like the idea of a
19th century president having pierced ears, like some 18th
century pirate (or 20th century actor) or a bust of
Woodrow Wilson decorating 1865 Washington. But one scene, the start
of the House roll-call vote on the 13th amendment, did
create a small controversy. The roll call begins with Connecticut,
and two representatives, given fictional names, vote 'no', sending up
shockwaves round the House. And around Connecticut as well, after congressman
Joe Courtney pointed out that Connecticut's four representatives all
voted FOR the amendment. He didn't feel the need to point out to the filmmakers that since California was also a state, Connecticut would not have started any alphabetical listing anyway.
Courtney was accused of
trying to influence votes to Argo, which made little sense, and
screenwriter Tony Kushner explained he was simply using artistic
license to build suspense. For a vote whose result the audience, at least those aware this was based on a true story, already knew. Kushner also wanted to show northerners
opposed to the bill. And later, when a local historian pointed out
that Connecticut was a state divided almost evenly over the race issue, and
relatively slow to ratify the amendment in the state legislature, the
change was said to portray a broader kind of truth.
In fact the added
dramatic effect is minimal.Indeed,one of Connecticut's four
congressmen, English from New Haven, was a Democrat, so simply
showing his yes vote might have provided as much, or even more,
drama. The haphazard way the rest of the roll call is portrayed in
the film, trying to stretch suspense down to the last vote, while
focussing on those Congressmen we've already followed, means
historical accuracy isn't crucial to the filmmakers. And it's hard to argue suspense is intensified by the filmmakers cutting to Mrs. Lincoln's cheat sheet tabulating the votes, which intensifies only our feeling they assume their audience are morons. But the change
of Connecticut, like Argo's equally gratuitous throwaway diss of the
Kiwis and Brits, appears in the end just meaningless indulgence.
Because the film
adheres rather closely to real people, and even the way those people
looked, it's odd they'd all of a sudden use fictional characters to
express a position they could easily have found real people from the
North to represent. For example, there were enough no votes from New
York, which was, last time I looked, a 'Northern' state. And in fact, there was only one, from Maine, among the six New England states.
So why not show New York? Well, the film-makers said they wanted to go in
alphabetical order. So why not start, as noted, with the state which actually
came first in alphabetical order? In fact, California's three congressmen all voted
yes as well, so it would have been no worse than changing the
Connecticut vote.
Could it be because
California is Steven Spielberg's state, and California is the state
in which Hollywood is located and the filmmakers didn't want to show
their state in a bad light, even retrospectively? Why not use New
York? Could it be because that is Tony Kushner's home state, and the
state where the money behind the industry lies, and the filmmakers
didn't want to show New York in a bad light, even retrospectively, and even if it were true? In fact, the movie
at one point mentions Tammany Hall, but makes very little of the
fact that Secretary of State William Seward was from New York, his
career made by Thurlow Weed, the Republican boss of the state (as
opposed to the Tammany-controlled city) and Weed was a source of
laundered funds for campaigning in Connecticut, precisely because the
state was so divided. If the film might be said to have a serious
political flaw here, it may be that it plays the vote-bribing for
fun, when in reality the politics of the time was immensely corrupt
on a serious level, though in fairness James Spader's Bilbo does
announce the prices at which congressmen are available. Not much has
changed since then, because they still, as Lincoln remarks, sell
themselves cheap.
Thaddeus Stevens'
relationship with his housekeeper Lydia Smith (played by S. Epatha
Merkerson) raises some questions of 'anachro-correctness' that I
mentioned in part I of this essay. The reveal of their conjugal state
may have surprised people; it's not an historical fact, but it was
the subject of much gossip at the time. That Stevens did not leave
her his house, but did leave enough money for her to buy it, and that
his family would sell it to her, would argue for a special
relationship, but we do tend to define such things in terms of 21st
century sexual politics. Some modern scholars believe Smith to have
been a lesbian, on the grounds of her activities in women's groups in
Washington—something Elizabeth Keckley, Mrs. Lincoln's seamstress
and perhaps confidant, did with her. Smith also patterned herself on
Mrs. Lincoln; by this logic my mother was a lesbian obsessed with
Jackie Kennedy. It was argued to me that Ms. Smith and Keckley
weren't 'sitting around waiting for Lincoln to do something'. Which
also doesn't make them lesbians.
But it leads to the
most serious concern raised about the film, and that is its portrayal
of the role of black people in the efforts to abolish slavery, and
the criticism that more is not made of their positive actions. This
follows much modern historical research showing the efforts black
people made to bring about their own freedom, and it was a major part of
the re-evaluation exhibited in the Ken Burns's Civil War documentary—a
strand of argument sometimes overlooked beneath the honeyed
traditionalism of Shelby Foote. This was a follow up to the earlier,
crucial change in the historical consensus, putting slavery back as
the primary cause of the war—not 'states rights' or 'economic
difference' or anything else. Slavery was the root of the divide
between North and South and it became inarguable to think otherwise.
However, that does not
mean the abolition of slavery was the reason Northerners fought in or
supported the war. Indeed, Lincoln sold the war as a mission to keep the Union
together until such time as he could issue the Emancipation
Proclamation and then fight for the Thirteenth Amendment. This is
explained pretty clearly in the film. And yes it is explained largely
from the political point of view of the men involved because,
firstly, the movie is called Lincoln, not Slavery, secondly, the
reality is that these men were in the arena where the legal changes to governance were made,
and thirdly, blacks were not a voting block that influenced these
men. The movie is the story of persuading white men to vote to free
the slaves, and the question of those slaves' ultimate equality is not at that point fully
settled, a point the film makes bluntly, and which history has made with even more bluntness.I thought the similar criticism better-founded when it was made of Spielberg's Amistad, which swiftly became the story of John Quincy Adams, but that is not the case here.
This is not a question
of historical accuracy as much as historical interpretation; you can
believe the story of the passage of the Amendment, the arguments
within Congress, and its relation to the ending of the war cannot be
told without more obvious reference to the efforts of black leaders,
but it's hard to argue those stories aren't conveyed with reasonable
accuracy without each story. It's like the question of using the word 'nigger',
one which I'm sure we will get to when I write about Django Unchained—it
would be nice if we could eliminate it from some aspects of modern
usage, but it's hard to convey the hatefulness of the word, and the
horror of the times, without showing the times as they were. Lincoln, apart from the strangeness
of tampering with my own state's history, strikes a pretty decent
historical balance overall. I compared Spielberg to John Ford in Part
I of this essay—and here he seems to have tried to, as the book did, catch the legend by getting at the essence of the fact.